CROATIAN HISTORY - KINGS OF CROATIAN BLOOD

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The first Croatian ruler to bear the title of king was Tomislav (910-928), the son of Mutimir. During his reign the early Croatian state rose to the peak of its power, and went a long way toward unifying all the Croatian lands. Both external and internal developments contributed to this progress. The most important single event of lasting effect was the extension of Tomislav's power over Pannonian Croatia. The first condition for this development was the delivery of Pannonia from Frankish rule, and second, the occurrence of events momentous enough to make the chiefs and princes of Pannonia seek support or protection from the common enemy in the well-organized and powerful state of Dalmatian Croatia. Both of these conditions were provided by the coming of the Magyars or Hungarians, who in the closing years of the ninth century occupied the plain extending from the Carpathians to the central Danube (896-900). Next to the Christianization of the Slavs, the advance of the Magyars is probably the most important event which took place in central Europe following the collapse of the Avarian empire.

Magyar Invasions

The origin and early history of the Magyar or Hungarian race is still a moot question and is subject to much discussion and controversy.

Besides some scanty reports on the early invasions, the chief evidence of the origin and distant past of this people is in its language. From such evidence it appears that on a Finn-Ugrian foundation there is an important Turkish-Tartar superstructure in the early Hungarian. However, many elements of the vocabulary dealing with cultural concepts are drawn from Iranian (Persian) dialects. Such a linguistic synthesis can be explained only by racial mixture which was achieved by conquest or by a long period of neighborly contacts and friendly relations.

The original homelands of the Magyars can be traced along the upper courses of the Volga River, and its tributary Kama, west of the Ural mountains (the so-called Zyranian territory). As in the case of many other peoples, the cause which impelled them to leave their homeland is unknown and can be merely guessed at. In the eighth and ninth centuries they moved south toward the Caucasus mountains, and then turning west proceeded over the rich grasslands of the Dnieper, and the mouth of the Danube.

Having settled for some time between the Don and Dnieper, they were pressed from the east by a powerful kindred people, the Petchenegs. So the Magyars moved further west reaching the mouth of the Danube toward the middle of the ninth century. From here they raided the adjacent territories. At the invitation of Arnulf, emperor of Germany, they invaded Moravia, the country of Svatopluk in 882. Subsequently they repeated their raids in this territory until both Moravia and Western Pannonia, the countries of Svatopluk and Kotsel were crushed under the hooves of their horsemen in 907.

The Magyar invasion of Pannonia was not altogether a voluntary affair. It came under the continuous attacks of the Petchenegs who raided the Magyar settlements along the lower Danube and killed both young and old while the Magyar armies were absent in the field. Under the leadership of Arpad, son of Almos, and other chiefs of their seven tribes, the Magyars settled down in the lowlands of the central Danube and its tributaries, an area which they hold to this day. With the coming of the Magyars into this region, the Frankish influence in central Europe vanished altogether. At the same time the age-old tie between the Slavs of the north and south was broken because the Magyar wedge now separated them into two large and distant groupings.

On settling down along the Danube the Magyars did not turn to farming, but continued to raid and plunder the neighboring lands for more than half a century. Weakened by Norman attacks in the west, the Frankish emperors could not effectively resist the Magyars on the opposite front. Using the old Roman highways as their avenues, the Magyar cavalry overran Carinthia, Italy, Bavaria, and penetrated even into Thuringia and the distant Rhineland. As a result of their inroads by 900 the once flourishing land of Western Pannonia lay in ruins. This caused the population to leave their ancestral homes and pour in large streams in Pannonian Croatia.

Fortunately Tomislav of Dalmatia had a powerful army and he came willingly to the assistance of his Croatian brothers. In a series of engagements Tomislav defeated the Hungarians and was able to establish a boundary along the southern bank of Drava. Thus, with the exception of Syrmium which was still held by the Bulgarians, Tomislav became the master of nearly all Croatian territory. In accordance with this change of political power, the diocese of Sisak (Siscia), heretofore a province of the patriarchate of Aquileia, an exponent of the Frankish power, came under the jurisdiction of the archbishop of Split, the supreme ecclesiastic authority of the new Croatian kingdom. The earliest evidence of such transfer of authority goes back to 925.

The Bulgarian Wars

More serious than the Hungarian menace in the north was a situation created along the southern boundaries of Dalmatian Croatia. The rivalry of Byzantium with the Bulgarian empire over the domination of Serbia precipitated a period of struggle which imperiled most of the Balkans. Torn by internal dissensions and dynastic feuds, the duchy of Serbia became so weak that it was an easy mark for the ambitious plans of her powerful neighbors: Bulgaria and Byzantium. Restored in 892 by the armed support of Branimir, duke of Croatia, to the throne of Vlastimir, his grandfather, Peter Goynikovich ruled over Serbia for 25 years. He restored peace at home and made his native state so strong that he was encouraged to think of armed conquests in his own name. So he invaded the Narentian territory and occupied the coastal strip, thus arousing the jealousy of Michael Vishevich, duke of Hum (910-930), and sovereign of Travunia (Trebinjska oblast) and Doclea (Montenegro and northern Albania). In order to check the advance of his rival, Michael concluded an alliance with Simeon, emperor of Bulgaria, who at that time was waging war against Byzantium. Since Peter was a vassal of Constantinople, Simeon invaded Serbia, crushed her army and captured the ruler himself. In place of the dethroned Peter Goynikovich, Simeon installed Paul Branovich (917-929), another Serbian prince who had been held prisoner in Bulgaria. At the same time Michael Vishevich recovered the Narentian territory and formed a powerful state in the south-western part of the Balkans.

While this struggle went on Zachary Pervosavljevich, a cousin of Paul Branovich, sued for aid in Constantinople and broke into Serbia at the head of an imperial army in a vain attempt to dethrone and expel his cousin Paul. Instead, he was defeated and captured by the Bulgarians. This failure did not deter Roman Lecapinus, the Greek emperor, from still a new attempt to undermine the power of Bulgaria, and he made overtures to Paul Branovich for an alliance against Simeon. Paul was flattered and in a moment of vanity he deserted the man who had established him in Serbia and became a vassal of the Greek. When he received news of this treason Simeon sent a new army to Serbia, dethroned Paul and enthroned that same Zachary Pervosavljevich who he had been holding prisoner from the earlier campaign. Thus freed from further entanglements in the west, Simeon could devote his attention to a major campaign, and threw all the armed forces of Bulgaria into attack against Constantinople.

Pressed hard by the victorious armies of Simeon, Emperor Lecapinus sought the mediation of Rome to obtain an alliance with Tomislav of Croatia. The price he paid included concessions to the church which had the effect of ending the long period of schism and restoring the ecclesiastic unity of Christendom. Equally important concessions were made to the king of Croatia. In the first place the patriarch of Constantinople fully renounced his authority over the churches and dioceses of the Dalmatian cities and islands, all of which came under the immediate authority of the Holy See. At the same time the emperor gave up his sovereign rights and political power over the same cities and islands in favor of Tomislav, king of Croatia. In addition, he bestowed on Tomislav the rank of procounsul, a rare distinction given to the allies of the emperor.

Through this significant act the cities and islands of Dalmatia came into a lasting union with the Roman Catholic Church and gradually became integral parts of the Croatian state, upon whose political destinies their own future depended. From the magnitude of the imperial sacrifices it may be inferred that they were made for cause and that the services expected in return were to match the grants. Indeed, the risks assumed by Tomislav were great, and in case of an adverse outcome, the gains would have been nullified by the destruction of the Croatian state. However, the power of Tomislav was equal to the task. Indeed, according to the chronicle of Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenetus, Tomislav had a land force of 60,000 horsemen and 100,000 foot soldiers. On the sea he commanded a fleet of 80 large vessels (sagenae), manned with a crew of 40 each, and 100 small vessels (condurae), manned with a crew of 20.

Following up his success in Croatia, Lecapinus made an alliance with Michael Vishevich, duke of Hum, whom he distinguished with the title of procounsul and entrusted with administration of the cities of Kotor and Dubrovnik. Unfortunately for the cause of Serbia, her ruler Zachary Pervosavljevich also joined the alliance. Incensed over this new treason by an underling whom he had fostered, Simeon suddenly abandoned the siege of Constantinople and invaded Serbia with overwhelming forces. The year was 924. He conquered the land, laid waste to the country and decimated the population. Hosts of terror-stricken people sought refuge in Croatia, while Simeon destroyed the Serbian state and incorporated it as a province into his vast Bulgarian empire. This brought the Bulgarian dominion to the borders of the lands of Tomislav and Michael Vishevich. After some minor engagements the two armies met in a decisive battle and the Bulgarian forces suffered a crushing defeat. Tomislav was now at the height of his power, the strongest ruler in the Balkans. However, he did not long survive the crowning achievement of his reign because he died in 928.

Simeon of Bulgaria died in 927 and left the throne to his son Peter (927-969) under whose long and inefficient reign the power of the Bulgarian empire ebbed until it was destroyed altogether by John Tzimisces, Emperor of Constantinople in 972, three years after the death of Peter.

Internal Consolidation

The power of the Croatian king had been greatly enhanced by the imperial grant of the cities and islands of Dalmatia. His country became united politically and in theory was no longer divided between the two Churches. Subordinated directly to the authority of the Holy See, the new ecclesiastic territory had the same status in the kingdom as the Croatian bishopric of Nin. This raised the question of supremacy and jurisdiction. Based on a local tradition, the authority of the archbishop of Split was accepted all over the country. However, the Croatian bishopric of Nin was by far the most important as to the territory and population. In addition, its bishop Gregory (Grgur Ninski) was a staunch advocate of the Croatian National Church and sponsor of the Slavic liturgy. Gregory therefore resisted the advance of the Latin clergy and friction grew ever more intense. Tomislav was greatly concerned over the situation because he desired to meet the Latin clergy on friendly terms in order to strengthen his friendship with both the Pope and the emperor. He therefore acceded to the desires of the Latin bishops to hold a church council in Split, at which all the points at issue should be debated and settled. In the presence of the papal legates the council met in 925 in the Cathedral of Split.

The significant assembly saw a brilliant gathering of notables consisting of all the bishops and abbots of Dalmatia, the court of the king Tomislav and the Croatian nobility, Serbian noblemen and the duke Michael Vishevich, with the higher clergy of his realm. By the consent of the assembly the authority of the archbishop of Split was recognized over the whole Adriatic coast down to the city of Kotor. A powerful move was made to outlaw the Slavic liturgy and divine texts, but Grgur Ninski succeeded in modifying this proposal so as to permit the use of the Slavic liturgy by the lower clergy.

After the victory of Tomislav over the Bulgarian army another council was convened in Split in 928. The Latin clergy renewed their attack on the native language and Slavic liturgy, but Gregory fought back again and the attempts failed. However, his opponents succeeded in suspending the bishopric of Nin, the magnificent fort of Gregory, and he was made bishop of Skradin. Otherwise the enactments of the second council of split did not reach beyond the decisions of the first.

Thus through the political submission of the cities and islands, and through at least the semblance of ecclesiastic unity in his realm, Tomislav stood at the head of a wealthy and powerful state as no other Croatian ruler ever had in the past. Since Pope John, in a message dated 925, addressed Tomislav as "King of Croatia, etc." it is assumed that the coronation of Tomislav took place prior to the sending of this message. Full description of the elaborate ceremonies of the coronation is given in the "Annals" of the priest of Doclea and confirmed by collateral evidence. The coronation followed the Frankish and not the Byzantine ceremonial, hence the reluctance of the Byzantine writers to give Tomislav a royal status.

Successors of Tomislav, Terpimir (928-935) and Kreshimir (935-945)

Tomislav was succeeded on the throne by his younger brother Terpimir whose reign was short and uneventful (928-935). Terpimir's son Kreshimir I (935-945) inherited the throne. During his reign the internal consolidation of the state was further advanced and the royal power was more fully developed. In this period some important changes took place in the Balkans. Taking advantage of the weakness of Simeon's empire, the Hungarians invaded Sirmium and eastern Slavonia came for the first time under Hungarian rule. At the same time the Serbian Duke Cheslav Klonimirovich restored the independence of Serbia through a successful uprising assisted by Byzantium. Also the Narentians regained their freedom by overthrowing the Duke of Hum.

Dynastic Wars

After the death of Kreshimir the throne was left to his two sons: Miroslav (945-949) and Mihaylo Kreshimir II (949-969). During the reign of Miroslav a rebellion broke out headed by banus Pribina. It degenerated into a long and bloody civil war in which the king himself was assassinated by the rebel banus. Mihaylo Kreshimir succeeded to the throne of the war-torn country and was almost immediately faced with the loss of considerable territory. The islands of Brach, Hvar and Vis returned to their Narentian motherland, Bosnia broke away, while the Dalmatian cities and islands again submitted to the authority of the Byzantine emperor. Red Croatia asserted her independence and later joined Serbia. The military power of the king was considerably reduced, while his navy counted only 30 sagenae, instead of 80 as during the reign of Tomislav.

Little is known about the reign of Mihaylo Kreshimir, except that it fell in an era of confusion and strife. Pannonian Croatia remained attached to him throughout the worst trials and toward the end of his life he regained the western part of Bosnia. His wife Yelena is credited with construction of two churches, one of which, Sv. Styepan pod Klisom, became the burial place of the Croatian kings. The annals of Porphyrogenete fall in this period of civil war and the writer paints a dark picture of Croatia, greatly underestimating her power.

The Kreshimir Dynasty. Styepan Derzhislav (969-995)

Kreshimir became the head of a dynasty called Kreshimirovichi, a line that reigned continuously for over a hundred years. The first in this line is the son of Mihaylo Kreshimir, Styepan Derzhislav (969-995). On the accession of Styepan to the throne important developments took place in the Balkans. After the death of Duke Cheslav Klonomirovich in 960, Serbia had once more become the scene of internal strife and disorder. This brought the intervention of Byzantium and in 971 Serbia was again deprived of her independence and was incorporated into the empire. The imperial throne in Constantinople was occupied at this time by John Tzimisces, an Armenian adventurer who proved to be an able ruler and great commander. He revived the power of Byzantium through many victories and conquests. In 972 Tzimisces invaded Bulgaria and conquered its territory all along the Danube.

However, the vitality of the Bulgarian nation was not sapped by this defeat and a new state was organized in Macedonia with its capital in Ohrid. Happily the Bulgarians found an able leader in the person of Samuel (980-1014), a man of military genius and commanding personality, who within a few years conquered Serbia, Bosnia, Herzegovina, Doclea and the Narentian territory. In addition he launched a vigorous campaign against the Hungarians and forced them out of Sirmium and eastern Slavonia. In short, Samuel not only restored the old empire of Simeon, but enlarged it through the addition of the dominion of Michael Vishevich. Unfortunately for him, Samuel did not rest at this, but nursed Simeon's old ambition to conquer Croatia. So he invaded Dalmatia, ravaged the country and reached the outskirts of Zadar (Zara). Here his forces met the same crushing blow which the army of Simeon had suffered in 926. The decisive victory of Styepan Derzhislav over the troops of the Macedonian conqueror proves the degree of recovery the Croatian state had achieved in a short time after the disasters of the civil war.

The fame of the new Croatian victory traveled far and wide. The emperor hastened to renew the alliance of Lecapinus with the king of Croatia. The emperor returned again the cities and islands of Dalmatia. In token of his friendship and esteem, the emperor sent his new ally badges of royalty: a crown, scepter, purple robe and a golden apple. With these regalia Styepan Derzhislav was crowned king of Croatia and Dalmatia in 988. This coronation is not in contradiction with that of Tomislav (925) as assumed by some writers. It was simply achieved by the Byzantine ceremonials, the Croatian king thus obtaining the recognition of his royal title also by the court of Byzantium.

The king established friendly relations with all the neighboring states and especially with Venice, which had been paying taxes to Croatia since the times of Branimir. Even the warlike Magyars left his territory unmolested. Toward the end of his life Styepan Derzhislav reigned over a country that had regained most of its ancient power and prestige.

Civil Wars and Decline of Power. Svetoslav (995-1000)

On his deathbed, Styepan Derzhislav left the throne to the care of his three sons: Svetoslav, Kreshimir Suronja and Gojslav, under the primacy of Svetoslav (995-1000), the oldest of the three brothers. This arrangement called for a joint administration of the affairs of the kingdom. Such provisions were known both in the Slavic and Germanic law. Dissatisfied with the will of his father and longing for personal rule, Svetoslav attempted to exclude his younger brothers from the exercise of power. This soon resulted in an open civil war. The leader of the struggle was Kreshimir Suronja, a man of sanguine temperament and exceedingly embittered over the plot of Svetoslav to deprive him of his patrimony.

At that time the chief of the Venetian state was the doge Peter II Orseolo (991-1009). This ambitious ruler seized upon the disorders plaguing the Croatian state to establish the supremacy of Venice in the Adriatic Sea. His first move was to refuse to pay the customary tribute to the Croatian king. Svetoslav answered this challenge by persecuting the Venetian merchants, whereupon the doge sent a fleet of six war vessels which seized the island of Vis (Lissa). The city of Zadar (Zara) placed herself under the protection of Venice and other Dalmatian cities soon did the same. Svetoslav was not discouraged at the defection, but sent another demand for payment of tribute to Venice in accordance with the old custom. In reply Orseolo prepared for war. Taking advantage of the difficult situation in Constantinople, the doge induced the Byzantine emperor to assign to him the administration of the Dalmatian cities and islands alleging that the latter were endangered by the Croatian civil wars. In addition Orseolo made an alliance with Svetoslav's brother Kreshimir Suronja. Then in May of the year 1000 the doge invaded Dalmatia and defeated the Croatian navy near Zadar. Besides occupying several islands by armed force (Krk, Osor and Rab), the doge extended his power over Zadar, Trogir, Split, Brac, Hvar, Korcula, Vis, Lastovo and, according to some, Dubrovnik.

All these cities placed themselves under the authority of Venice and Peter Orseolo made a triumphal entry within their walls. The crowning success of his campaign was the submission of Kreshimir Suronja to his power. They met in Trogir for a treaty of friendship and alliance. As a guarantee of his good faith in carrying out the terms of the treaty, Kreshimir delivered his son Styepan to Peter Orseolo as a hostage. King Svetoslav lost his throne and probably fell victim to the hand of an assassin. There is no trace of his whereabouts after the year 1000.

Gojslav (1000-1019) and Kreshimir III (1000-1030)

Following the collapse of the opposition, Kreshimir Suronja ascended the throne and his brother Gojslav ruled jointly with him in accordance with the wishes of their father Styepan Derzhislav. By the terms of his treaty with Peter Orseolo, Kreshimir III renounced the tribute that had been collected yearly by the king of Croatia from Venice. He also permitted Orseolo to assume the title of Duke of Dalmatia. In this period of civil war and foreign invasion grave damage was caused to the prestige of the Croatian state, which never again recovered its lost supremacy in the Adriatic Sea. Instead, the strength of the state was frittered away in a long and bitter feud with Venice over the possession of Dalmatia itself.

At the beginning of his reign Kreshimir entertained friendly relations with both Venice and Constantinople. His son Styepan not only received a good education at the court of the doge, but was given the hand of Hicela, daughter of Peter Orseolo in 1008. Through this union close dynastic ties were established with Hungary, whose king, Saint Stephan (Szent Istvan), gave his sister in marriage to Otto, son of Peter Orseolo. This was the first contact of a Croatian dynasty with the members of the house of Arpad, an incident that was to lead up to eight centuries of political union between Croatia and Hungary. Later in his reign Kreshimir changed his policy toward Venice and seized the Dalmatian cities and islands. The doge, Otto, answered the challenge by invading the seacoast and capturing the cities. About this time Basil II, emperor of Byzantium, was successfully winding up his long struggle with Bulgaria. After 40 years of warfare heroic Macedonian Bulgaria was exhausted and fell before the overwhelming might of Constantinople. The country was subdued, and together with Serbia and Sirmium, became a simple province of the Byzantine empire. With this handwriting on the wall, Kreshimir and Gojslav sent their submission to the emperor and recognized his sovereignty over their kingdom.

In the spirit of conciliation Basil II respected their authority and left full independence to their kingdom. He also sent them bountiful presents and distinguished the two kings with the title of "patricians" (1019). Shortly after this event Gojslav passed away and Kreshimir ruled on for another decade. There was one fortunate event that somewhat offset the many disasters that fell upon the Croatian state during the reign of Kreshimir III. Before the death of Gojslav the Narentian territory (Neretvljanska oblast) effected its union with the Croatian kingdom. Ever since, the Narentians have appeared in history under the name of Croatians.

Soon after the death of Gojslav a rebellion broke out in Venice and the rule of the Orseolo family was overthrown. Otto himself was forced to flee the country. As the father-in-law of Hicela, Otto's sister, Kreshimir III intervened in the Venetian quarrel and once more occupied the Dalmatian cities and islands (1024). However, the Byzantine general Buzianus defeated his army in battle and forced him to surrender the cities. Moreover, Kreshimir's queen and his younger son were captured by the imperial invaders and taken to Constantinople.

The immediate result of these reverses and troubled events was reestablishment of the Byzantine authority and power over Dalmatia. The imperial administration of the territory was headed by the prior of Zadar, who in token of his exalted rank bore the title of proconsul. Two years later (1026) the family of Orseolo was sent into exile, and Styepan, the husband of Hicela, returned to the court of his father. The last years of Kreshimir's reign were devoted to a policy of restoration and recovery after the ravages of civil wars and defeat in battles with foreign invaders. Through negotiations with the emperor in Constantinople, he attempted to restore his possessions, including the return of the Dalmatian cities. The new emperor, Romanus III Argyrus (1029-1034), was at first willing to listen to Kreshimir's overtures, but later these negotiations were broken off, and the Croatian envoy was thrown into a Constantinople prison where he soon died.

The reign of Kreshimir III is marked by the familiar phenomenon of the sudden decline of the Croatian state, following an era of great prosperity and power. As ever, this decline originated from dissatisfaction and civil wars occasioned by the problem of succession or joint exercise of the sovereign power. The idea of sovereign rule and strong monarchy still had to work its way through the old Slavic tribal tradition. Thus, whenever contention arose among those who exercised power, the unity and strength of the state were sacrificed to personal interests.

Period of Recovery and Ascendancy

After the long period of internal disorders and military disasters during his father's reign, the ambition of Styepan I (1030-1058) became to restore his realm to the position of power and grandeur it had enjoyed during the lifetime of his grandfather, Styepan Derzhislav. He strove to repair the damage caused by the continuous struggle, and to regain the lost territory. This course was favored by external developments, and in a moment of confusion and friction in the Byzantine empire, he seized the opportunity to occupy all the Dalmatian cities and islands. A long war followed this action and there was fighting both on land and sea.

The imperial forces failed to achieve their usual success, however, and a peace treaty was concluded by the provisions of which all the titles of the Croatian king over the Byzantine possessions in Dalmatia were restored. The only exception was that of the city of Zadar, which had placed itself in 1050 under the protection of Dominic Contarino, doge of Venice (1043-1071).

During the reign of Styepan I (Stephen) important events took place abroad. As a result of internal clashes in Germany, the authority of the Croatian king was extended north toward Carinthia, while Pannonia became firmly cemented with Dalmatian Croatia. The ecclesiastic jurisdiction over this area was transferred to the newly-formed bishopric of Knin. Mark was the first bishop of this diocese (1042), the northern boundary of which ran along the Drava river. Its military and civil administration was assigned to a governor (banus). This extension of Styepan's sovereignty to the north came as a reward for his alliance with Adalbert, duke of Carinthia, who controlled the vast stretch of frontier territory extending from Bavaria down to the head of the Adriatic. In a moment of general disaffection over the imperial policies, Adalbert in 1035 took to arms against Conrad II, emperor of Germany, and a long struggle ensued. The Croatian troops fought on the side of the rebel duke. The details of this struggle are not known, but the favorable outcome of the uprising can be concluded from the fact that the authority of the Croatian king was extended northward and firmly established in an area which heretofore had been loosely attached to his state.

The Cluny Reforms in the Church

The reign of Styepan I coincided with the pontificate of Leo IX (1049-1054), considered by many to be the greatest pope in the history of the Catholic Church. As a champion of the Cluniac Congregation he used all the powers of his office to purge the Church of the worldly abuses which blighted the ecclesiastic institutions of the ninth and tenth centuries. In parts of the Carolingian empire the influence of the secular princes in the affairs of the Church became so thorough and pervading that some bvishops and abbots hardly differed from the feudal landlords or governmental officials. Preoccupied with secular affairs they neglected their spiritual offices. They lived in concubinage, and attached the estates of the Church to their own children, thus laying claim to property which clearly belonged to the parish, abbey or diocese. High positions in the Church could be purchased and dispensation of the sacraments was made a source of income.

Upon his election to the See of St. Peter, Leo IX assumed leadership in the moral regeneration of the Church with the zeal of a crusader. He was a man of dynamic personality and in his brief pontificate he carried the message of the Cluniac reform and spiritual rebirth of the Church throughout Europe. Traveling all over France, Germany and Italy, he held regional councils in which he weeded out the unholy element and imposed severe punishment for simony and clerical marriage. At the same time he sought to extend effectively the authority of the pope over the high prelates and secular princes of the western Europe.

Leo IX did not travel in person to Croatia, but the conditions prevailing there attracted his attention, and in the second year of his pontificate (1050) he sent Cardinal John to Split (Spalato) with instructions to hold a church council there. On this occasion John made a thorough investigation of the life and morals of the local clergy. He found their deportment offensive and removed from office the archbishop Dobral, who himself had a legal wife and a large family. Dobral defended the legitimacy of his position, which was fully in harmony with the customs of the Eastern Church. Nothing further is known about the cardinal's reforms, which must have been numerous and drastic since the lower clergy, and especially that of the Slavic liturgy, practiced marriage as a general rule.

The Great Schism

Another important event affecting the history of the Croatian people is connected with the pontificate of Leo IX. That is the Great Schism or final separation of the two Churches, which took place in 1054. An unfortunate combination of political developments, together with the untimely revival of the Photian spirit in Constantinople, precipitated the final break. At the outset a close cooperation between Leo IX and the Byzantine emperor promised a tightening of political ties and eventual ecclesiastic union. For a time they were in military alliance against the Normans of southern Italy. However, the Normans routed their combined armies and the alliance was disrupted amid the mutual recriminations of the losers.

At about this time, Michael Cerularius, the impetuous patriarch of Constantinople, took a vigorous stand in religious matters. He condemned certain teachings and practices of the Church of Rome and soon closed all the churches in Constantinople which followed the western ritual. The pope retaliated and excommunicated the patriarch. Shortly thereafter, Leo IX died. Taking advantage of the vacancy created on the papal throne, Cerularius induced the emperor to reverse his friendly policy toward Rome. At the same time he called a synod in Constantinople, at which he secured the formal condemnation of the Western Church. The synod also condemned all who submitted to the authority of the pope and followed the western "heresy." Thus, after intermittent conflicts and periods of appeasement between these two champions of Christianity, the final breach was made. This event sorely affected the destinies of the Croatian and Serbian people, who could not bridge the gap separating them even in the face of the Turkish invasion, nor during the centuries of Mohammedan rule and oppression in their lands. The last years of Styepan's eventful reign are shrouded in darkness, and nothing is known with certainty about the closing period of his life beyond the date of his death. His remains were laid to rest in the Church of St. Stephen at Klis. The king was succeeded in power by his son Peter Kreshimir IV, the greatest of all the Croatian rulers.

At the Height of Power, Peter Kreshimir IV, the Great

The reign of Peter Kreshimir IV (1058-1074) is marked by a sequence of events which raised the power of the Croatian State to a height never reached before or since. This was largely a result of the sagacious and farsighted policies of the king. A Venetian from his mother's side, Peter Kreshimir possessed the intelligence and shrewdness of his two grandfathers: Doge Peter Orseolo and King Kreshimir III. At the Venetian court the young prince had obtained a thorough western education and had been in a position to learn much from the masters of political intrigue. He was a mature man when he ascended the throne. The fact of his crowning can hardly be doubted, and he chose for his residence the capital of the kingdom, Beograd-on-the-sea. The king's attachment to this city is reflected by the fact that he built there a Benedictine monastery with the Church of St. John.

The extent of his political success contrasts with his failure to solve the religious problems which pressed for solution in his day. Probably he never realized that by sacrificing the fond dreams of the Croatian people for an independent church of their own, he shook the foundation upon which the peace and tranquility of his kingdom rested. The political advantage of the moment was too alluring to permit an adamant stand in defense of the Slavic liturgy. Thus, he sided with the Latin faction and reformist clergy who were bent on eradicating the Eastern canon and all vestiges of the Greek orthodoxy in the Croatian Church. Like the clergy of the Orthodox faith, the Croatian priests were married, wore long hair and went about unshaven. Worst of all, they had no knowledge of Latin, and officiated at all times in the Croatian vernacular. This created a wide gap between the Latin clergy and the ministers of the national church.

Alliance with Latin Clergy

Having control over the cities and high ecclesiastic offices, the Latin clergy was in a position to influence the higher nobility and court. At the same time, the representatives of this group championed the reform of Cluny, one of the main objectives of which was the suppression of clerical marriage. The friction between the two opposing groups grew in intensity, and before long it broke out into open conflict. The social disturbances were profound. As a result of the king's support, the success of the moment was on the side of the reformist Latin clergy, and the very existence of the national church came into jeopardy. Yet this success did not outlast the reign of Peter Kreshimir, and as soon as the throne became vacant, the suppressed will of the people broke out with elementary force, causing grave disorders throughout the kingdom.

The king's aversion to the ancient cult introduced by the disciples of St. Methodius may be explained in part by his foreign education and Venetian family ties, but the chief clue lies undoubtedly in his desire to win the support of the Latin clergy and the approval of the Holy See for his move to bring the Dalmatian cities under his immediate authority. The scheme worked, for his pro-Latin policy, coming at a most opportune time, brought him the good will and submission of the municipalities of Dalmatia. Their change of heart was long overdue and came at the end of a long period of development.

Through frequent changes of allegiance the urban population had lost its sense of security, and faced the future with a painful uncertainty and growing misgivings. This was in contrast to their prosperous past, when the cities and islands of Dalmatia had been the mainstay of Byzantine power along the eastern coast of the Adriatic. With the passing of time the Slavic population of the country slowly filtered through the city walls, yet never in numbers large enough to change their racial composition. The example of Trieste at the head of the Adriatic, with its Slavic background, yet preponderantly Latin character, should serve as an illustration of the ethical condition prevailing in the Dalmatian cities throughout the Middle Ages. In addition, medieval Dalmatia had no lack of purely Croatian urban centers and cities, built by the Slavic settlers without assistance of the native Latin population. One of such Croatian municipalities was Beograd, capital of Peter Kreshimir IV.

In such a motley setting of racial, linguistic, cultural and religious mixtures, the Croatian people had to meet their destiny. Therefore any method that would help create a semblance of national unity, even on a non-Slavic foundation, must have been welcome to the king and his advisors. His attempts to win the support of the universal Latin Church and achieve the absorption of the Latin cities, was prompted by his vision of a strong and united Croatian state. Under his guidance and in the favorable circumstances of his reign, the Croatian state reached the climax of its might and significance as the leading power of the northwestern part of the Balkan peninsula.

The Seljuk Turks

Toward the end of Peter Kreshimir's reign important developments took place in the neighboring countries. They came as a result of momentous events in Asia Minor, which shook the very foundation of the Byzantine empire. Early in the 11th century a band of Turkish mercenaries descended from the regions of the Oxus River in Central Asia to place their services at the disposal of some local governors who ruled in the name of the caliph of Bagdad. In their military adventures they achieved spectacular success. From the name of their chief and leader, this tribe is known in history as the Seljuk Turks.

Moving westward in the manner of his ancestors, Togrul Beg, grandson of Seljuk, established himself in the city of Nishapur as a sultan of Khorassan, the mountainous country located in the northeast of Persia. From this capital Togrul Beg extended his dominion over the neighboring provinces and awaited an opportunity to interfere in the affairs of the caliph. Taking advantage of a palace rebellion, he intervened in favor of an Abbasid caliph, destroyed the latter's enemies, and placed the "Commander of the Faith" himself under his tutelage and protection. By his title Togrul Beg became "the right hand" of the caliph; but in fact, he was his head. Through his capture of Bagdad (1055), Togrul Beg, grandson of a barbarian chieftain, became the actual ruler of the Moslem world.

After his death, Togrul Beg was succeeded in power by his son Alp Arslan (1063-1072, who extended his father's dominion with the zeal and success of the early caliphs. After completing the conquest of the territories on both banks of the Oxus River, he turned west in the direction of the Byzantine empire. Soon he had entered Armenia, massacred the population and devastated the country which had for a long time been the eastern outpost of Byzantium and Christianity. The Armenian refugees established new homes in Cilicia, while the Turks conquered Cappadocia, the native country of Nicephorus Phocas. At that time Romanus IV was enthroned as emperor in Constantinople and he decided to crush the Turkish invaders. A soldier of great personal courage, Romanus had shortcomings as a general. He started with a brilliant campaign and, elated over his initial success, he drove the Turks far back into mountainous Armenia. In so doing he overextended his supply lines, and at a critical moment, the Turks swooped down on his disjointed forces and annihilated them near Manzikert (1071).

The consequences of this victory were momentous and reversed the history of the world. Its effect can be compared with the echoes of the victory at Yarmuk, won over the armies of Heraclius by the generals of the first caliphs in the seventh century. A new tide of Mohammedan invasion followed and the course of history was changed. The whole territory of Asia Minor was overrun, and even Anatolia, the heart of the Byzantine realm, was occupied by the Turks. Attracted by the glamour and wealth of this country, the kin of the conquerors migrated from central Asia to Anatolia in large numbers and changed its ethnical composition permanently and altogether. The population of Anatolia remains Turkish to the present day. However, the coastal towns were Greek until the First World War, when Greece and Turkey exchanged their alien populations.

Moslem Expansion under the Turks

Under the blows of the Turkish victories the military power of Constantinople was permanently crippled. There was no further prospect for a Byzantine revival in Asia Minor, all of which now came under the sovereignty of the victorious Alp Arslan and his son Malik Shah (1072-1092). Although Alp Arslan did not live long enough to develop his ringing victories, the completion of his task was laid in the able hands of Malik Shah, in whose reign the Seljuk power reached its zenith. Under Malik's overlordship his cousin Suleyman established in Anatolia and surrounding territory the sultanate of Roum, with its capital in Nicaea, a suburb of Constantinople on the Asiatic side of the Bosporus. In Syria and districts farther south the armies of Malik overcame the resistance of the local Arabic emirs in a series of decisive victories. Thus by 1080 the Turks became the sole masters of Jerusalem, Damascus, Aleppo and Antioch. By the death of Malik Shah the world power of Islam had been reconstituted under the guidance and leadership of the Seljuk Turks.

The echo of the Turkish victories in Asia Minor reverberated far and wide in Europe. Their immediate repercussions, however, came in the Balkans where the Byzantine power was in ascendancy once again. Through armed conquest the emperors of Constantinople had acquired wide areas south of the Danube. Thus Bulgaria, Macedonia, parts of Serbia and eastern Slavonia, with Sirmium, came under the Byzantine authority as provincial possessions of the emperor. During the period of the civil wars in Croatia and subsequent weakness of the state, the emperors restored their strict rule over the islands and cities of Dalmatia, including the city of Zadar (1050). Under Catapan Leo the imperial administration in Dalmatia reached the height of its unity and effectiveness in 1067, with every prospect in store to enhance this power, and extend the political dominion of the emperor over the Croatian territory.

Full Sovereignty over Dalmatian Cities

On Peter's accession to the throne, therefore, the Dalmatian cities were again under the rule of Byzantium. Toward 1050 even Zadar freed itself from the overlordship of Venice, and renewed its allegiance to Constantinople. Thus all of municipal Dalmatia and its archipelagos were united again under the rule of the emperor and his representative the imperial "Catapan" or governor. The supremacy of Byzantium, so well established at this time, seemed to have become perpetual. Then came the stroke which removed this territory from Byzantine control and in less than two years made it subject to the authority of the king of Croatia. Peter Kreshimir IV chose the moment when the military power of Constantinople was fully occupied with the advance of the Seljuk Turks into Asia Minor to demand from the emperor full authority of the Croatian State over the imperial possessions in Dalmatia (1069). The emperor granted his request, and the cities themselves approved of this arrangement under the guarantee of their municipal privileges. Catapan Leo, governor of this territory, remained in office, but now as a subject of the king.

It will be recalled that the Dalmatian cities and islands had several time previously been under the authority of the Croatian king. Tomislav (924) and Styepan Derzhislav (990) had also ruled over this area. However, their rule was in the nature of a protectorate dependent on the title of proconsul or imperial eparch granted to them by the emperor for considerations of friendship or services rendered. In the case of Peter Kreshimir the Croatian sovereignty was recognized in its own name. The authority of the king was no longer dependent on any imperial title or rank, and Peter Kreshimir carefully avoided taking any. In this way he was no longer a "protector" of the old imperial territory, but its supreme ruler without limitation of power or lease by any foreign authority.

The shift of the imperial territory into the political orbit of the Croatian State was an event of first magnitude. Its cultural significance was paramount because the cities of Dalmatia had been centers of trade, culture and refinement ever since the days of Diocletian and St Jerome. Likewise, the islands represented the Roman tradition. The continuous contact of this territory with the Romanic culture of Byzantium and the practices of the Eastern Church, gave the Dalmatian cities the colorful background of both the Latin and Greek civilizations. Both Latin and Greek were spoken in the Dalmatian cities, although the Croatian speech was gradually filtering in from the countryside. It is precisely this rural language that was to complete the racial unity of the cosmopolitan population, after the artificial barriers between the city and countryside had fallen through the achievement of political unity. By knitting ties of friendship with the Latin cities, Peter Kreshimir established a tradition which hastened the process of ethnical fusion and the national consolidation of Croatia. On the other hand, he exposed the Croatian masses to the danger of complete Romanization as had happened in Roumania.

The Royal Power and Court

It should be understood that even in the agreement of 1069 the emperor of Constantinople retained his "historical sovereignty" over the Dalmatian eparchate. In terms of practical experience this meant no more than would a claim of some of the present descendants of the last Byzantine dynasty to the same territory. The validity of the "historical rights" of Byzantium over Dalmatia from then on became dependent upon the military power of the emperor and his ability to enforce them; or upon some political deal which he could amicable consummate with the sovereign of Croatia. Attempts of this kind can be seen later after the downfall of the national dynasty. For every practical purpose, therefore, Peter Kreshimir became the sole ruler of the eparchate. In this way, besides the traditional "friendship tax", he collected other taxes and dues to the extent of one-third of the cities' revenue. In turn, the king guaranteed the cities their communal independence and old municipal rights such as free trade, independent judicial system and ecclesiastic privileges.

The power of Peter Kreshimir was extended also in other directions. Historical documents refer to several bani or provincial governors, among other dignitaries, residing at his court. So we are informed of the presence of ban Gycho, governor of a "maritime" province, probably the Narentian territory. The banus of Pannonia Croatia was Zvonimir, son-in-law of the Hungarian king Bela I (1061-1063). Finally, the banus of Bosnia is mentioned, without indication of name. From this we see that Peter Kreshimir assembled nearly all the Croatian lands under the aegis of the Croatian crown.

The king was at the height of his power in his declining days. One of his greatest concerns was his lack of children who could assume succession to the throne. At first he appointed his nephew Styepan as heir presumptive, but later Zvonimir of Pannonia appears as a regent during the lifetime of the king. By 1070 Styepan seems removed from the picture. The young banus Zvonimir was a glamorous person adding to the prestige of the court through his blood ties with a foreign power. Such a tradition had been introduced by the coming of the Venetian Hicela, the mother of Peter Kreshimir, to share the Croatian throne. Zvonimir's wife was the "beautiful" Helena, sister of the princes Geza and Laszlo, both of whom became kings of Hungary. With their aid Zvonimir repulsed the attacks of the Carinthians who invaded his territory in 1065. In his reign the Croatian territory reached along the Danube to the Bulgarian town of Vidin, and south to the city of Nish (Naissa). 

Compiled by: Marko Marelich, Retired Mechanical Engineer
San Francisco, California, U.S.A.
September 5, 2007

Excerpted from "A History of the Croatian People", Vol. 1, by Francis R. Preveden, Published by Philosophical Library, New York, pg. 64-76

P.S. A Short History of the Author
Francis R. Preveden was born in Kamenica, Croatia. His father, a blacksmith, was Josip Preveden and his mother was named Caroline, also from Kamenica. Francis Preveden finished his education in Croatia. Anticipating the coming of World War II, he emigrated to the United States of America. He worked for the US government since 1942 and was given an award for introducing new methods of translation in the Navy Department. He formally taught classes at De Paul University in Chicago. He was fluent in six languages and had a working knowledge of nearly all the ancient and Indo-European languages. He wrote "A History of the Croatian People", from their arrival on the shores of the Adriatic (650 AD) to the present day, with some account of the Gothic, Roman, Greek, Illyrian, and pre-historic periods of the ancient Illyricum and Pannonia. Volume 1, Pre-History and Early Period Until 1397 AD, published by the Philosophical Library, New York, copyright 1955.
He had originally planned to publish six volumes on this subject. However, due to ill health and his untimely death in 1959, this plan never materialized. He was an outstanding author and historian and loyal to both his native homeland of Croatia and also to his adopted homeland of the United States of America.